The following chapter endeavours to provide
the reader with some idea of the contextual and literary frameworks within which
the study was carried out.
The first four sections discuss the nature of
the electronic world, seeking to establish 'how' this virtual world exists, the
means and method of socialising and the ways in which people interact, in both
the real and virtual 'worlds'. These are important topics to address as they are
issues that relate specifically to this form of interaction, as they affect the
way in which communication is 'made' and the way it is understood, in both
'worlds'. The last section moves on to discuss some of the relevant literature
which surrounds issues of men, masculinity and identity.
In the electronic world, people can make use
of innumerable online facilities that allow simultaneous interaction, or
chatting. The term 'chat', immediately infers a strictly verbal form of
communication, but on the Internet, 'chatting', primarily involves typing a
message on a keyboard and transmitting that message, via a host computer,
directly to other 'chatters' monitor. These textual chat conversations appear to
defy conventional understandings of the difference between spoken and written
language (Reid 1991, pp. 2-4), and negate many of the difficulties associated
with cross-cultural and intra-cultural interaction. People appear to converse as
if in a 'normal' verbal context, but are able to adapt their interactions to
accommodate this appealing environment.
The establishment of this apparently unique
form of social interaction allows people, regardless of age, sex, culture or
races, to converse without many of the social barriers that normally exist in
our complex social world. Of course, the cost of computers, software and access
to an Internet Service Provider are issues that also need to be considered. This
absence, or minimisation of 'barriers' effectively fuses what is often a
complicated and 'closed' world, into one 'global village', a concept inspired by
Marshall McLuhan (1989, pp. 23-4). McLuhan referred here to the elimination, or
suspension of time and space, in relation to the electronic 'world'. It is a
world where the contextual environment can potentially offer any individual the
chance to express themselves as unique beings. It is readily acknowledged
however, that this electronic environment and its relatively unique forms of
social interaction can also replicate and perpetuate '...biases,
misunderstandings, personal arrogance and negative stereotypes...' (Dodd 1996,
pp. 6-7), just as in conventional interaction.
In terms of social and cultural studies, it
is an environment where our differences can be disregarded in favour of
interaction that engenders a cultivated 'openness', a new sense of 'self' and a
heightened degree of intensity in terms of communicative interaction.
In matters related to the negative aspects of
electronic interaction, problematic 'revelations' are very much the prerogative
of time. In the electronic world, changes in both the availability, and
increased access to this medium, together with the growing ways in which we can
interact, have been rapid and pervasive. With the rapid growth of the number of
users utilising this medium of communication, both the beneficial and the
negative (and unanticipated phenomena), such as 'cyber-stalking', 'cyber-rape'
and 'cyber-sex' are increasingly drawn to the fore. This is particularly
noticeable in terms of media portrayals of the Internet, which focus more upon
the negative, rather than the positive and beneficial aspects of this
communicative medium.
In the 'conventional' world, any interaction
is governed by such things as codes of etiquette or behavioural norms. In the
electronic world however, this socialisation process is not undergone as in
normal social contexts. Rather, users must undergo a process often referred to
by linguists and anthropologists (Gross 1992, p. 69), as 'acculturation', which
essentially involves 'learning' a whole new set of social and cultural rules,
codes and sets of behaviours, but which also then allows some users to openly
disregard this process.
It has been established that humankind's
ability to communicate with language allows us to satisfy our instinctual need
to be with others of our kind, to be social beings (Gross 1992, pp. 91-114). It
is this ability which enables each individual to contribute to their own social
and cultural identity; who they are, who they think they are, and who they would
like to be. Without this inherent ability, our cultures and societies, as we
know them, would not be possible (Gross 1992, pp. 90-1).
With the introduction of 'electronic'
communications, the range of possibilities for communicating with people from
other societies and cultures has become diverse and fascinating, stretching the
bounds of possibilities that previous research and literature has not had the
opportunity to explore.
Rather than being a '... cold ... bloodless
technological ritual', (Rheingold 1994, pp. 1-3) 'electronic' communication
provides a propensity for passion and adventure which has not been witnessed
before in our social interactions. Research on this fascinating and perplexing
phenomena has been relatively sparse, although some (for example, Elizabeth Reid
1991, Howard Rheingold 1994 and Sherry Turkle 1995), have attempted to plumb the
depths of this complex and primarily rewarding form of communication. It is a
form of communication which is in a constant state of change and re-invention,
but which nevertheless has its own rules, codes and normative values, as a
result of the climatic adaptations that have been established as a means of
overcoming immense and diverse cultural differences.
Over the past four and a half years, as part
of other research projects, I have spent time 'experiencing' the rapidly growing
phenomenon of 'electronic' communication. My 'travels' have centred on 'chat'
facilities made available by software programs such as PowWow and ICQ, and
e-mail.
My companions in these communities come from
diverse backgrounds, scattered across the globe, but brought together by their
desire to socialise with others. This seems to be an important determinant in
the pervasive growth of electronic communication, contributing to the growing
popularity of cross-cultural experiences. It is that seeking of similarities and
differences, the fulfilment of the desires and needs of the social self,
combined with a universal motivation for 'companionship' which draws more and
more individuals to embrace this phenomenon. It is an experience that easily
traverses and negates the notion of culture shock, that individual reaction to
the unknown, the uncomfortable, and at times, the terrifying. With the varied
nature and locations of users, meaning is, and often must be, questioned and
negotiated. This negotiation serves to minimise social and cultural differences
that may otherwise render the situation difficult and dysfunctional, instead
fostering an environment that is, in principle, understanding and patient. It is
an environment which facilitates a mutual form of negotiation, whereby users
gradually develop '... culturally appropriate motivations and behaviours... ' (Lonner
and Malpass 1994, p. 104). People who use this form of interaction seem able to
express a depth of feeling and emotion that would 'ordinarily' be socially
unacceptable within the context of a 'traditional' conversation. In particular
those which take place between men and women, where the social barriers and
norms for such interaction are often so ideologically entrenched as to be both
prescriptive and restrictive, in terms of what is said or is perceived as being
'appropriate'.
This may occur because of the relative
anonymity of users, and the absence of visual or physical contexts. As Lonner
and Malpass note,
The power of
communication to draw others near or to drive them away derives as much from how
we appear as from the language we deploy (1994, p. 175).
Dodd suggests that,
... a new culture
created between two individuals or groups results from a drive for communication
comfort, is artificially created, and becomes a temporary arena in which [interactants]
adjust to each other within a context striving for balance and equilibrium
(1996, pp. 7-8).
It is unlikely that these electronically
inspired experiences would be nurtured in traditional cross-cultural
interaction, nor is it likely that users would derive as much pleasure from it,
as the majority of these experiences and events would be steeped in difficulties
such as apprehension, anxiety, confusion and frustration. Electronic interaction
can nourish racial and cultural tolerance, promote and encourage a heightened
sense of cultural relativism, and work to reduce, or at least minimise,
ethnocentric biases. In creating this 'virtual' environment, users have
discovered a cultural system that transcends, and often substitutes for,
meanings derived from their wider community. The unique understandings that they
achieve allow the '... communication of imagined realities.' (Reid 1994, p. 59),
and in so doing produce a cultural and social 'space' which is as profoundly
'complex' in its textuality as it is richly imagined in its manifestation.
This 'virtual' environment however, must
address still further the issues related to male/female communicative
dichotomies, particularly as this research study is based upon a reciprocal
relationship between a female researcher, and male co-investigators. By
demonstrating the issues related to traditional forms of communication between
men and women, it is possible to illustrate how the electronic environment is
able to transform the dynamics of gendered communicative events and in so doing,
significantly 'alter' the nature of the data which is 'produced'.
The role of communication in many of today's
societies, where advanced technology potentially provides instant access to
people in all corners of the globe, is vital for the achievement of any kind of
success, both in the business world, and in our personal lives (Mohan et al.
1992). How effectively we communicate depends largely on how well our 'messages'
are interpreted. Misinterpretations in communication provide the potential for
enormous difficulties in any communicative process, possibly causing, for
example, frustration because of misunderstanding, or bewilderment about what is
being said (Mohan et al. 1992). One such area where these breakdowns commonly
occur is in communications between the sexes, which often result in poor
evaluation of what has been said, which in turn leads to incorrect or
inappropriate actions.
Previous studies (Rosenblat et al. 1977, pp.
147-8) show that perception, and its understanding, play a critical role in the
successful transmission and receipt of any communicative action.
When talking, men
and women draw from the same pool of words and put them together with the same
grammatical rules, but they often misunderstand each other (Lakoff 1990).
This statement by linguist Robin Lakoff,
affords a realistic insight into the meaning behind gender based perception
issues. Lakoff also states that in many situations, both parties understand what
is said, but that their intents are not communicated. Men and women for example,
have distinctly different styles of speech; men are more likely to be direct
communicators, i.e. aggressive and forceful, whereas women are more indirect
communicators, valuing rapport, relationships and tone of voice over clarity.
Unless it is clearly understood that there are specific differences in how each
gender type communicates, these perceptual issues will continue to interfere
with the quality of understanding of the intended message, and even the quality
of the message itself. Coyle notes that,
... every person's
[sic] perception of the outside world is shaped, coloured, and filtered by his
self-concept, past experiences, educational background, native culture ...
(1993, p. 6).
This ostensibly means that how we interpret
any message is dependant on any number of given things, one of the principle
factors being whether we are male or female. This also suggests that it is very
important for the researcher to evaluate what is being communicated, not from
their point of view, but from their participants' viewpoint. As Deborah Tannen
points out,
... in a way,
male-female miscommunication is more dangerous, because it is more pervasive in
our lives, and we are less prepared for it. We expect differences when we talk
to people who come from different countries; we have ways to think about such
differences, like 'customs' and 'cultural assumptions'. But we don't expect
family, friends, co-workers, and romantic partners who grew up in 'the same
culture' and speak 'the same language' to understand words differently and have
different views of the world. But often they do (1990, p. 282-3).
This situation, where gender based
interaction becomes problematic, is, however, minimised in the electronic
environment. This does not mean that it does not exist, only that the issues are
reduced because of the nature of the contextual framework. In terms of gendered
and emotional discourse, Franks argues that ' ... the claim that men don't know
how to show their feelings has been made so often and so consistently in recent
years that it has become a bit of a bore' (1984, pp. 79-80). This introduces an
alternative argument, that men prefer to be 'invisible' in terms of disclosing
their emotions, as it is in their own interests to remain 'un-scrutinised'.
Kimmel argues that from this perspective, men benefit from 'inherited' sex-role
definitions of masculinity, as they imply notions of ' ... activity, mastery,
rationality [and] competence' (Kimmel 1990, p. 96). In maintaining their
emotional 'invisibility', men could be seen as seeking to sustain the
patriarchal ideals that have been implicit in Western societies in terms of the
degree of men's power and control. It is my belief however, that it is not
possible to make generalisable statements such as this, and that whilst this
emotional 'invisibility' may be sought by some, it is not true of all men. As
Lashmar states,
Men need to find a
new way of mastering masculinity that does not depend on external status and
[yet] is emotionally satisfying ... It must not be based on power and control
(1996, p. 33).
As such, the electronic environment can
potentially provide a new means of communicating these emotions, in a way that
is non-threatening and allows the individual to be reflexive about their 'inner'
selves. It also provides a means of interaction where women, and the gendered
expectations associated with 'being' a woman, are both utilised and adapted, in
a positive way, to suit the 'conditions' of this form of interaction. The term
'adapted' refers to the way in which both parties significantly transformed the
dynamics of male/female interaction. In this study the 'norms' traditionally
associated with communication between males and females, are used concomitantly
with the norms which 'govern' the electronic environment.
In this study it seems that the differences
in the way in which males and females communicate, has in fact been of optimal
importance in both the 'quality' and quantity of data generated. Because 'I', as
researcher, am a woman, I am seen as being more inclined to understand, and
empathise with, emotional issues. I am credited with being able to impart and
conceive of, personal information as a fundamental component of my more
'intimate' nature. As a woman, more importantly, I am perceived as being able to
sustain and nourish relationships that are symmetrical by nature, as opposed to
asymmetrical. This means that any relationships that develop do so along equal
lines of dependency. There is no fundamental 'threat' of dominance or control,
despite my role as 'researcher', and there is no inherent fear that information
divulged will somehow be used against the participants.
As Segal notes, it is only since the 1940's
that masculinity, identity and sex role expectations have been questioned, a
fact which has been of greater impact in contemporary society given the momentum
of ' ... psychoanalytic thinking and feminism ... ' (1997, p. 61) which has
since emerged. Until relatively recently in the history of our species, women
were very much the 'mysterious', bewildering sex. Nowadays however, both women,
and women's issues, are endlessly debated upon (Townsend 1994, p. 1),
questioning their place in society, their status, their education, their
political, social, and economic positions, and most of all, their decision to
take their personal and collective lives into their own hands. Women are now
increasingly rejecting the notion of male superiority, either physically or
psychologically, and are unequivocally challenging a way of life that has seen
men dominate our world for most of humankind's history. In light of these
transformations, particularly the continued empowerment that women are now
seeking, and mastering, men themselves are finding that society is undergoing
radical, and dynamic transformations. No longer is their place in society a
'given', now it is somewhat precarious, transitional, and difficult to
comprehend. In contemporary society, and in response to the 'collapse' of the '
... basic pattern by which men have traditionally fulfilled the code for
masculine role behaviour ... ' (Levant 1997, p. 2), a nascent men's movement is
seeking to 'free' men from the 'bondage' of masculinity, as it has been
traditionally constructed. This movement is primarily declared to be the 'work'
of Robert Bly (1990), who is widely considered to have initiated the mythopoetic
men's movement. In his criticism of the 'traditional' model of masculinity, Bly
observes that,
[a] man was
supposed to like football, be aggressive...never cry, and always provide (1990,
p. 2).
These sentiments are neither intrinsic to,
nor an inevitable part of, being a man, and as Gregory Smith notes, they
...are constraints
which have become compelling and pervasive...They operate both as restraints
against [changes that] men might make, and as an implicit knowledge base to the
way men construct themselves (1996, p. 29).
It is Bly's belief that during the 1950's,
men had very clear visions of what a real man was supposed to be, and he openly
warned that this one-sided vision was nothing less than dangerous (1990, p. 2).
He argued that it was one-sided and effectively isolated men from becoming, or
being, anything other than a 'particular' type of man, a tradition which is '
... invented, [is an] amalgam of real and imagined signifiers from the past ...
put together to give meaning to maleness and being a man ...' (Morgan 1992, p.
11) . In the 1960's however, Bly comments upon the fact that both men, and
women, soon came to question this rigid construct, partly as a result of the
mental anguish experienced during the Vietnam war, and partly because of the
burgeoning women's movement, which in effect caused men to question just what it
was to be a man, something which had erstwhile been assiduously, and perhaps
enthusiastically, avoided. Levant argues that
... men are caught
in a trap both because they do not have the incentives and because they are
ill-equipped to address the loss of the good-provider role in a collaborative
and equitable fashion with the women in their lives ... They do not have the
incentives to address the loss ... because of the power, prerogatives and
entitlements that accrue to them in a patriarchal society ... And they are not
equipped to address it in this way because to do so would require a degree of
comfort and fluency with emotions (particularly those emotions that make one
feel vulnerable, such as sadness, fear or shame) that is rare among men, due to
the effects of the male gender role socialization process (1995 in 1997, p. 2).
Schwalbe also stresses this point, focusing
on the issue of men's expression of emotion and their fears of non-conformity to
established masculine expectations, a concept which he feels is expressly ...
forbidden by the strictures of bureaucratic work life and masculine
self-presentation (Schwalbe 1996, p. 58). The growing men's movement, he argues,
provides positive influences for men, so that they may explore and express more
of the emotions that make them human. He also warns, however, of the dangers of
them reinforcing inequalities in gender relations and status, thus invoking the
notion that any set of human virtues, talents or powers can be the sole province
of either sex.
Emotional narratives are infrequently heard
outside the private spheres of life, such as within the confines of the family,
much less when they concern, or involve, men, as opposed to women. As Townsend
notes:
Men are very good
at discussing issues, or events. They are good at news and sport. They aren't so
good at discussing or even acknowledging feelings. Introspection and navel
gazing just aren't very blokey things to do (1994, p. 1).
Despite the generalisations inherent within
this statement, it is true that men do tend to talk less about feelings, to
devote less time to introspection, and to feel less comfortable when doing so (Seidler
1997, pp. 153-183; Mendell 1996, pp. 7-25; Schwalbe 1996, pp. 71-100). This,
however, is not to say that men do not wish to be more 'open', or to need, any
less, the personal comfort that self-disclosure and intimate interaction can be
capable of bringing forth. Donaldson, in his exploration of the
interrelationships between masculinity and the complex structures of society,
comments that men know that there is more to their identities than they are able
to express in public. It is only in the privacy of their homes that they feel
able to express the ' ... real me who cares, the real me who is sensitive ...'
(Donaldson 1991, p. 26), and where they able to reveal themselves as ' ...
vulnerable creatures' (Donaldson 1991, p. 26). As Townsend herself notes, men
are increasingly interested about '... their own gender ... [and] ... want to
compare their own lives, feelings and beliefs, to those of other men' (1994, p.
1).
Townsend's opinion that men often feel
uncomfortable talking about themselves, is an issue also taken up by the
mythopoetic men's movement, who argue that this effectively works to
... ignore
masculine depth of feeling, assign men a place in the sky instead of earth,
teach obedience to the wrong powers, work to keep men boys, and entangle both
men and women in systems of industrial domination that exclude both matriarchy
and patriarchy (Bly 1990, p. x).
Segal, as many feminists have long
acknowledged, offers a different perspective on this issue, agrees that there is
a male crisis, or as she terms it, an '... increasing intellectual, emotional
and physical impoverishment of "men"...' (1990, p. x). Segal argues
that neither sex can be discussed nor debated upon without due consideration of
the other, as men and women are irrevocably connected and do not exist in a
social 'vacuum'. She also reasons that questions of 'masculinity', its nature,
psychological relations and social existence are still unresolved, and if
anything, concern about these issues have only intensified in recent times. Men
are increasingly perceived as being in the midst of some form of identity
crisis, one which is inexorably linked to issues pertaining to both sexes,
either as a result of conflicts within their own 'ranks', or as a result of
unforeseen social movements, linked to women and social change.
Without doubt, the dynamics of 'life', and
living, as it has been traditionally understood, are undergoing rapid and
pervasive transformation. The hegemonic consistencies that previously dictated
many Western societies conceptions of what constituted 'being' a man, no longer
remain unchallenged. These entrenched hegemonic ideals were such that men
supported their wives and children, were the 'heads' of the household, made the
rules, and enforced them. In so doing, these 'ideals' maintained and perpetuated
the patriarchal society, but the contemporary world and its life patterns are
changing. Increasingly, such things as changing work patterns for men, from
manual to mental labour, declining employment prospects, the breakdown of the
nuclear family, rising divorce rates, and questions of sexuality and
masculinity, have all contributed to a society where frustration and confusion
with regards to role identity are rampant. This gives men little choice other
than to diversify from that which they know so well (Hill 1997, pp. 1-5),
although it is acknowledged that this applies to some men and not all men.
Unfortunately, this need to diversify has
initiated the current dilemma within the masculine fold. No longer is
masculinity the stalwart tradition that it once was and men must now face the
prospect of finding a 'new' niche in life; 'new' identities, which must be
formed without the assistance of many of the conventions of the past.
If we can ask men themselves about 'being
men', then surely we must at least begin to comprehend something of the male
condition. Flood fervently argues that men must 'inform' themselves of as much
as is realistically possible regarding gender and change, or risk the
perpetuation and sustenance of ingrained ways of 'being men', based upon nothing
more than myth and ignorance (1994, p. 1). He points out that,
Men are good at
intellectualising and abstraction. We may talk lots about 'men' this and 'men'
that, but never ... what I do, or I feel (Flood 1995, p. 3).
This is what I have set out to achieve here;
to ask what men 'do', and what they feel. I ask, how do men 'become' men, what
do they think of themselves as men, and what do they foresee for themselves in
the future. More importantly, I ask these questions from a perspective that
understands the importance of both men and women, in the study of men.
The issues addressed in this chapter have concerned the variables that affected, or were anticipated as having some influence upon, the data that was ultimately generated in this study. It is clear that men are undergoing some form of crisis in contemporary society, and that there is a need to address this. Men are increasingly seeking to express more of themselves than is currently advocated by 'traditional' sex-role expectations. The referential variables discussed in this chapter allow us to see how the electronic environment may be utilised to address this issue, illustrating how the complexities and nuances of contemporary society can be used in a positive light, to encourage men to talk about themselves in a way which does not threaten or disturb other men's views of them. It was on this understanding that I sought study participants, structured the research process and generated data.